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  • 31 - Antiracist Moral and Civic Education

  • from Part III - Emerging Ethical Pathways and Frameworks
  • Edited by Sheron Fraser-Burgess, Ball State University, Indiana, Jessica Heybach, Florida International University, Dini Metro-Roland, Western Michigan University
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Ethics and Education
    Published online:
    07 March 2024
    Print publication:
    14 March 2024, pp 657-675

  • Summary

    Antiracist moral and civic education should educate about both interpersonal racism (racism toward other individuals) and institutional racism (systemic racial injustices). Both areas involve both avoiding racial wrongs (stereotyping, antipathy, demeaning the other) and promoting positive racial goods (respecting racial others as equals, recognizing positive racial difference). Institutional racism requires civic education, to recognize patterns of injustice, to analyze their causes, and to be able to measure them against both morally sound and nationally salient ideals (such as equality, liberty, and justice). Antiracist education must be sensitive to students’ particular racial identities and to asymmetries between the way white and nonwhite identities function morally and civically. It must teach positive racial ideals of racial justice, understanding, and harmony.

  • Kant's and Hegel's Moral Rationalism: A Feminist Perspective

  • Lawrence A. Blum
  • Journal:
    Canadian Journal of Philosophy / Volume 12 / Issue 2 / June 1982
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    01 January 2020, pp. 287-302

  • Moral philosophy has conceived of its task in many different ways throughout its history. One of these has been to articulate qualities of character, or ‘virtues,’ which the morally good or morally admirable person will possess.

    This paper is a first step in an attempt to work out a feminist perspective on this aspect of moral philosophy and its history. I will focus on the moral philosophies of Kant and Hegel who exemplify different versions of a general orientation within moral philosophy which I call ‘moral rationalism.’ For the moral rationalist reason and rationality are at the center of the conception of the good or moral man (and I use the word ‘man’ here intentionally).

The Colour of Our Future
  • Does race matter in post-apartheid South Africa?
  • Edited by Xolela Mangcu
  • Nina G. Jablonski, Lawrence Blum, Steven Friedman, Mark Swilling, Vusi Gumede, Joel Netshitenzhe, Suren Pillay, Crain Soudien, Hlonipha Mokena
  • Published by:
    Wits University Press
    Published online:
    20 April 2018
    Print publication:
    31 December 2015
  • South Africa is ready for a new vocabulary than can form the basis for a national consciousness which recognises racialised identities while affirming that, as human beings, we are much more than our racial, sexual, class, religious or national identities.The Colour of Our Future makes a bold and ambitious contribution to the discourse on race. It addresses the tension between the promise of a post-racial society and the persistence of racialised identities in South Africa, which has historically played itself out in debates between the ‘I don’t see race’ of non-racialism and the ‘I’m proud to be black’ of black consciousness. The chapters in this volume highlight the need for a race-transcendent vision that moves beyond ‘the festival of negatives’ embodied in concepts such as non-racialism, non-sexism, anti-colonialism and anti-apartheid. Steve Biko’s notion of a ‘joint culture’ is the scaffold on which this vision rests; it recognises that a race-transcendent society can only be built by acknowledging the constituent elements of South Africa’s EuroAfricanAsian heritage.The distinguished authors in this volume have, over the past two decades, used the democratic space to insert into the public domain new conversations around the intersections of race and the economy, race and the state, race and the environment, race and ethnic difference, and race and higher education. Presented here is some of their most trenchant and yet still evolving thinking.

  • Chapter Three - Races, Racialised Groups and Racial Identity: Perspectives from South Africa and the United States

    • By Lawrence Blum, Distinguished Professor of Liberal Arts and Education and Professor of Philosophy at the University of Massachusetts, Boston.
  • Edited by Xolela Mangcu
  • Nina G. Jablonski, Lawrence Blum, Steven Friedman, Mark Swilling, Vusi Gumede, Joel Netshitenzhe, Suren Pillay, Crain Soudien, Hlonipha Mokena
  • Book:
    The Colour of Our Future
    Published by:
    Wits University Press
    Published online:
    20 April 2018
    Print publication:
    31 December 2015, pp 25-44

  • Summary

    By the nineteenth century, throughout the West there was a general consensus that the human population of the world could be divided into a small number of what were called ‘races’. Although there was not absolutely uniform agreement on how many and which groups were races in this sense, JF Blumenbach's division into five – Malayan; Ethiopian (sub-Saharan African, or black); American (indigenous peoples of the Americas); Caucasians (white, or of European ancestry); and Mongoloid (East/Southeast Asian) – can serve as a rough consensus. Because of controversy over the term ‘race’, I will provisionally refer to such groups in the more neutral terminology of ‘classic racial groups’.

    Classic racial groups were thought to possess the following characteristics, which were implied in calling them ‘races’:

  • 1. Each group possessed mental and other psychological qualities specific to that group.

  • 2. The qualities were rooted in the group's nature, generally understood in a biological fashion.

  • 3. The qualities were passed from one generation to the next through some sort of mechanism, generally understood to be biological in character. (Only later, around 1900, was this biological mechanism assumed to be genetic.)

  • 4. The differences between the groups were fixed and unchangeable, and this was thought to follow from their biological character.

  • 5. The groups generally, but not necessarily, differed in certain phenotypic characteristics (especially skin colour, eye shape, hair texture, other facial features). So these features could be regarded as markers of the internal, racedefining characteristics.

  • 6. The groups were understood as originating in specific, generally continent-defined regions of the world (blacks in sub-Saharan Africa, whites in Europe, and so forth).

    • Note that the fifth feature means that classic racial groups were not defined by phenotypic characteristics. The Nazis did not define what they regarded as racial groups by phenotype, which leads us to a second strand of racial theory that was rather different from Blumenbach's. Nazism drew on a prominent alternative strand in European racial thought in which races were thought of as national (French, German, Italian) rather than continental.

  • Preface

  • Edited by Xolela Mangcu
  • Nina G. Jablonski, Lawrence Blum, Steven Friedman, Mark Swilling, Vusi Gumede, Joel Netshitenzhe, Suren Pillay, Crain Soudien, Hlonipha Mokena
  • Book:
    The Colour of Our Future
    Published by:
    Wits University Press
    Published online:
    20 April 2018
    Print publication:
    31 December 2015, pp xiii-xxii

  • Summary

    No single concept has shaped the modern world quite like ‘race’ or, more directly, colonial racism. Francisco López de Gómara described Columbus's ‘discovery’ of the Americas as ‘the greatest event since the creation of the world (excluding the incarnation of and death of Him who created it)’. Joseph Leo Koerner described Pedro Álvares Cabral's ‘discovery’ of the Tupinambá off the coast of Brazil a decade later as an ‘epochal event’. According to Biodun Jeyifo, colonialism was ‘perhaps the single most important historical force in the making and unmaking of the modern world’, while Ira Katznelson notes that ‘the conquest, expulsion, and enslavement engendered by colonialism made of all the world a community of Jews’. The distinguished historian Eric Hobsbawm has dubbed the last four hundred years as the era of ‘Euromegalomania’.

    Europe's expansion into the New World was carried out initially by the Portuguese and the Spanish, but this role soon passed to what Georges Lefebvre described as ‘England, the mistress of the seas … the only nation capable of imposing the authority of the white man’. However, as British – and French, Belgian and German – dominion over the colonies loosened, a new age was set upon the world. Henry Luce charitably called it the American Century, and Cornel West critically christened it as the Age of American Empire.

    What do these brief accounts of colonial racism and empire have to do with a discussion of race in South Africa? To maintain order at home, colonial powers exported their lower classes to the new-found colonies, where they would be masters of their own realms. Or as Benedict Anderson puts it, ‘colonial racism was a major element in that conception of Empire which attempted to wield dynastic legitimacy and national community. It did so by generating a principle of innate inherited superiority … conveying the idea that if, say, English lords were superior to other Englishmen, no matter: these other Englishmen were no less superior to the subjected natives.’ Koerner argues the same point when he notes that ‘difference within an entity [thus] was repressed in favor of difference between entities.’

  • 2 - Antiracist civic education in the California History–Social Science Framework

  • Edited by Robert K. Fullinwider, University of Maryland, College Park
  • Book:
    Public Education in a Multicultural Society
    Published online:
    05 June 2012
    Print publication:
    26 January 1996, pp 23-48

  • Summary

    The California History-Social Science Framework is an impressive document in several respects. My interest here is in its articulate and detailed championing of ethically informed and civically responsible education. In its commitment to providing such an education to children from all ethnic and cultural backgrounds, the Framework distances itself (though not explicitly) from those who wish education to be morally neutral. It also avoids the anxious hand-wringing of those who want the schools to teach values but are worried about the basis for teaching some values rather than others. The Framework cuts through this philosophically interesting but pedagogically constraining concern about relativism largely by grounding, or attempting to ground, its conception of ethical education in a framework of “civic education.”

    In keeping with the American tradition of “social studies” as, in part, a training in the values and virtues needed for participation in a democratic polity, the Framework offers a plausible general description of those core values and virtues. This description comprises the first quarter of the document; the final three quarters consist of curricular suggestions evidently meant to exemplify the value guidelines set out in the first part.

    The Framework, adopted in 1987, was responsive to multiculturalist currents in society and in the world of education of the past two decades. I want to examine the Framework primarily from the vantage point of one component of multicultural education – what I will call “antiracist education.”

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